Constructivism is the way to go. For real.
This afternoon, I went to a lecture on the Palestinian-Arab minority in Israel sponsored by the Middle East Institute, Foundation for Middle East Peace, and Americans for Peace Now featuring two professors from the University of Haifa: Asa’ad Ghanem and Sammy Smooha. The discussion itself became pretty lively as it was clear the panelists fundamentally disagreed on whether Israel could possibly be both a Jewish and democratic state, and whether or not it should be any of those possibilities.
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More important than any of the conclusions that they drew was the fact that there are multiplicity of identities in this conflict. Within those adenoiditis are sub-classifications that over time become even more divisive. When it comes to peacebuilding, it doesn’t make sense to impose one interpretation of an identity over another. To ask Israelis to give up their idea of Israel as a uniquely Jewish state or to ask Palestinian citizens of Israel to accept that a status that is unequal to their Jewish neighbors in Israel sounds like it would solve the conflict, but it won’t. Giving people a new name, a new identity, that is fundamentally different from the one they ascribe to will only serve to place a band-aid over an increasingly gaping wound.
The different ways in which people describe themselves is more important than the identity structures those on the outside think the individuals fit into. Whether its “Palestinian citizen of Israel” or “secular Ashkenazim citizen of Israel” or any number of other labels, if a group shares them then they are all equally legitimate.
Peacebuilding in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will mean creating a space in which all the identities involved can coexist, and even contradict each other, without deteriorating into violence. It is of course one among many challenges, but a commitment to creating this “safe space” will have a positive spill-over effect in religious, political, and economical areas of the conflict.
Originally published at BoomGen.TV, The Blood of the Martyr
For most Americans, the idea of a Muslim martyr can cause quite a bit of anxiety. Some immediately imagine a brown “towel-headed” man with an explosive device duct-taped to his chest, or sewn into his under garments, and a crazed murderous look in his eyes. Unfortunately, this kind of act in the name of Islam, an act that kills both Muslims and non-Muslims indiscriminately, is all too common.
The frustrations many Muslims across the world experience in their (real or imagined) political crises and their desire to affect change are easy prey for those looking to fulfill their own dreams of power and influence, often under the guise of martyrdom. But as we look at the role of Islam in the Green Movement of Iran, we see that an Islamic martyr can be, and has been at different times in history, a champion of justice and human rights.
Looking at photos taken of the streets of Tehran on December 27, 2009, one would think they are viewing images of war: bloodied people on the arms of their comrades limping away from scenes of rising flames, passing dead bodies and debris while men in uniform aim their guns and wield their batons at unruly citizens. It was the Day of Ashura, a holy day for Shi’as to remember the slaying of Imam Husayn in the seventh century and a day when historically no violence has been permitted. It was a day when the Green Movement in various parts of Iran took to the streets and identified themselves with their slain hero and his oppressor with the autocratic Islamic Republic.
The regime has sullied their hands with the blood of protesters before, but to kill and severely injure more people than on any other demonstration and to do so on a national Islamic holiday is an act of hypocrisy that is difficult to spin. So difficult, in fact, that Iran’s deputy police chief, Ahmad-Reza Radan, has claimed that of the protesters killed, one “fell from a bridge, two others were hit by cars and one other was shot dead by an unknown assailant”.[1] As Roger Cohen states in a recent opinion piece for the New York Times, “the emperor has no clothes”.[2]
Not only has the Ashura demonstrations and those in the following days signaled a crucial turning point for the government, but for the opposition as well. Witnesses report that the protesters fought back, though not as lethally, by setting police property on fire and attacking the Basij with their bare hands.[3] There are also reports of guards who surrendered or refused to open fire and joined the opposition instead.[4] One journalist who spoke to Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty is quoted as saying, “Protesters stood against the repressive forces and plainclothes agents and they demonstrated that they have the ability to confront them and even make them retreat. This is, I think, the new message of the Green movement… I hope that those who are concerned about the country listen to this message and prevent more bloodshed.”[5]
This idea of a community being brought together and even strengthened by the murder of one of its own in the name of a noble cause is one that has had a particular resonance in Iranian history. Persian society is seeped in a tradition of martyrdom as a celebration of life and redemption of the community in both its Islamic and pre-Islamic history. Tragedies culminating in martyrdom were prevalent in the pre-Islamic popular myth and culture as is exemplified in the tenth century Persian epic Shahnameh. The subsequent dominance of Shi’a Islam in the Persian Safavid Empire reinforced these ideas within the culture and continued to hold sway long after the age of empires had passed.
The Day of Ashura is practiced by both Sunni and Shi’a Muslims but has taken on a particular significance in Shi’a tradition. The day is meant to commemorate the martyrdom of Imam Husayn, a grandson of the Prophet, who was killed at the Battle of Karbala in a bloody dispute over who should succeed the Caliphate. As Shi’ites became a persecuted sect, this day of mourning became an expression of present suffering under oppression. The Shi’a Buyyid dynasty, which ruled over what is now modern day Iran and part of modern day Iraq, popularized Ashura by instituting a public ceremony of commemoration. In his article on martyrdom in Iranian politics, Professor Manochehr Dorraj notes that the celebration of Ashura has also served to functionally instill a sense of Shi’ite identity in the people of Iran and create a sense of communal solidarity.[6]
Though the idea of martyrdom and redemptive suffering was used mostly in an Islamic political context in Iran, secular political movements of the 1960s and 1970s also kept with this tradition. In the days before the Iranian Revolution, these groups were small in number and mostly of a Marxist persuasion. For them, it was the love of the people, rather than love of the divine, that demanded their willingness to sacrifice themselves. These secular populists could never have competed with their Muslim counterparts, for Islam was a more potent symbol for garnering the support of the masses. During the Revolution, clerics like Ayatollah Khomeini and Ayatollah Mutahhari used the tradition to mobilize millions against the Shah. The funerals of those who were killed in the demonstrations only served to mobilize even more people, spelling doom for the Shah as the death toll rose. Even after the Revolution, the tradition still served a functional purpose as Iran entered into a bloody war with Iraq. The Islamic Republic even set up a foundation that ensured the families of those martyred would be given financial security and preferential treatment in various areas of society.[7]
One of the many lessons the world can take from the recent Ashura demonstrations is the enduring power of Islamic symbols and traditions in Iranian society today. As it becomes more and more likely that the Islamic Republic will fall, we must accept the possibility that the new regime will still maintain a strong Islamic character and that there may not be anything to fear from that. What is even more encouraging is that within the Green Movement is the possibility of an Islamic politic that does not rely on a hatred of the West and Israel as tools to stay in power and that has grown independently of any foreign influence.
The redemptive quality of martyrdom in social and political contexts is not unique to Islam. In the Christian tradition, Jesus readily submitted Himself to death for the salvation of the world. Many of His disciples would follow his example, including Saint Peter who, according to Catholic history, was sentenced to crucifixion but considered himself unworthy of a death in the likeness of Christ and specifically requested to be crucified upside down. Though, martyrdom is not unique to religion either, as may be seen by the great American Revolutionary rallying cry, “Give me liberty or give me death!”
Martyrdom is one of the many human responses to death, which can seem bereft of any meaning or purpose, and preserve the life of the individual. Given our human inclination to revere the dead and honor their memory, the martyrs of the Green Movement are unlikely to be forgotten anytime soon.
———————–
[6] Manochehr Dorraj “Symbolic and Utilitarian Political Value of a Tradition: Martyrdom in the Iranian Political Culture” The Review of Politics, Cambridge University PressVol. 59, No. 3, (Summer, 1997), pp. 489-521 (503)
[7] Dorraj, 519
Way to go Norwegians!
I need to go on the record as saying that I’m not in favor of Obama being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. There are so many many reasons why I think it was a bad idea. Please enjoy a nice little list of those reasons as said by various news outlets and bloggers.
Martin Indyk of Brookings, though not explicitly condemning it, shows that the award was given for strategic purposes. Which is one hell of a gamble.
“President Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize should be seen as an acknowledgment of the promise that his presidency holds for leading the world into a new era of cooperation. Critics who argue that he hasn’t earned it miss the point. The Nobel committee clearly wanted to boost support for Obama’s world view and, judging from the overwhelmingly positive international reaction, they succeeded at least for the moment.”
The Economist on how the award is incredibly premature:
Although the prize may be given in the spirit of encouraging Mr Obama’s government, it might have been better to wait for more solid achievements. With so many good intentions, and so many initiatives scattered around the world (and an immensely busy domestic agenda, including health-care reform and averting economic collapse), Mr Obama appears to be racing around trying everything without yet achieving much…Mr Obama’s aspirations may be laudable, but he has several tough years ahead. The Nobel committee evidently wants to encourage him but it might have been wiser to hold judgment until he has achieved more. In America itself, the decision has already infuriated conservative commentators, ensuring there will be no peace on the home front, at least.
Peter Beinart of The Daily Beast on highlighting the gap between hype and accomplishments:
I like Barack Obama as much as the next liberal, but this is a farce. He’s done nothing to deserve the prize. Sure, he’s given some lovely speeches and launched some initiatives—on Iran, Israeli-Palestinian peace, climate change and nuclear disarmament—that might, if he’s really lucky and really good, make the world a more safe, more just, more peaceful world. But there’s absolutely no way to know if he’ll succeed, and by giving him the Nobel Prize as a kind of “atta boy,” the Nobel Committee is actually just highlighting the gap that conservatives have long highlighted: between Obamamania as global hype and Obama’s actual accomplishments.
And on the damage this has done to the Nobel Commitee and actual peacebuilders on the ground:
The Nobel Prize Committee should be in the business of conferring celebrity on unknown human-rights and peace activists toiling in the most god-forsaken parts of the world; the people who really need the attention (and even the money). It should be in the business of angering powerful tyrants by giving their victims a moment in the sun. Choosing Barack Obama, who practically orbits the sun already, accomplishes the exact opposite of that. Let’s hope Obama eventually deserves this award. And let’s hope the Nobel Committee’s decision meets with such a deafening chorus of chortles and jeers that it never does something this stupid again.
Now here are some of my favorite tweets.
@abuardvark : Based on conversations in Amman there’s not going to be much Arab enthusiasm for Obama peace prize
@dandrezer : New blog post: EXCLUSIVE transcript of internal Nobel Peace Prize deliberations!! http://bit.ly/CY4EW. Must credit Drezner!!
@dandrezer : In move to restore credibility, Nobel committee announces Neil Patrick Harris will host awards presentation.
@AfPakChannel : RT @basseyworld: Mr. President, I’m happy for you & I’m gonna let you finish but Nelson Mandela was the best Peace Prize winner of all time
@FP_Magazine : Seven people who that never won the Nobel Peace Prize, but should have. http://bit.ly/1mCp42
@wonkette : NASA Moon-Bomber Left Hanging On High Five: Just as the President of the United States was accepting the Nobel.. http://bit.ly/1wTzc2
@EugeneMirman : Congratulations Mr. Obama! You won fair and square, even though I’ve been texting Hamas & Isreal requesting peace for weeks.
@anamariecox : YouTube of Nobel announcement…. http://bit.ly/XFmPO (And, uhm, clearly giving it to Obama for being notBush.)
@anamariecox : Update: Nobel Prize awarded not just to those who are not George Bush; must also not be John McCain.
@anamariecox : RT @12minds: While I haven’t fixed your iphone yet, I’ve THOUGHT about it and I hope to in the future. // Now just CLAIM to have fixed it.
For those of you who keep track of my discussions on the Arab-Israeli conflict both in and out of the blogosphere, you’ll note that I tend to bring up famous Israeli author Amos Oz. A lot. A whole lot. And I’m about to do it again.
Prime Minister of Israel Binyamin Netanyahu’s speech to the UN this week was almost like a revival of David Irving’s Holocaust on Trial. Bibi came with an impressive array of valuable historical documents proving that the Holocaust did take place and waving them in front of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s face and recounted his own family’s tragedy during the Holocaust at the hand of the Nazis.
Then came the moment we had all been waiting for, the inevitable Nazi comparison. With all the Hitler allusions our nation has endured with conservatives and their theater of the absurd, you’ll forgive me for having some Hitler fatigue. But when Israel brings up the Fuhrer in the context of the Arab (+ the one non-Arab neighbor) Israeli conflict, the comparison becomes truly profound in a very unexpected way. Its not because Arabs truly resemble the Nazis, its because the Jews as a traumatized society cannot see it any other way. As Oz so wonderfully puts in page 343 of his memoir A Tale of Love And Darkness, the Palestinians and the Jews are the children of a tyrannical parent who do not see each other as fellow victims but as a reflection of their abuser.
“The Europe that abused, humiliated, and oppressed the Arabs by means of imperialism, colonialism, exploitation and repression is the same Europe that oppressed and persecuted the Jews… But when the Arabs look at us, they see not a bunch of half-hysterical survivors but a new offshoot of Europe, with its colonialism, technical superiority, and exploitation, that has cleverly returned to the Middle East—in Zionist guide this time—to exploit, evict, and oppress all over again. And when we look at them, we do not see fellow victims either; we see not brothers in adversity but pogroms-making Cossacks, bloodthirsty anti-Semites, Nazis in disguise, as though our European persecutors have reappeared here in the land of Israel, put keffiyehs on their heads, and grown mustaches, but they are still our old murderers, interested only in slitting Jew’s throats for fun.”
And there you have it my friends, Netanyahu demonstrating Oz’s point exactly and further solidifying my admiration for this author. Additionally, for all you Holocaust history buffs, you may enjoy Gideon Levy’s article on how Netanyahu’s speech actually cheapens the Jewish experience under the Nazis. Click here for a full text of the speech.
Now, who wants to get busy and publish an article on the merits of mutual recognition of loss to peace processes (written by yours truly)? I wanna be internet famous.
“It seems, as one becomes older,
That the past has another pattern, and ceases to be a mere sequence—
Or even development: the latter a partial fallacy
Encouraged by superficial notions of evolution,
Which becomes, in the popular mind, a means of disowning the past.
The moments of happiness—not the sense of well-being,
Fruition, fulfilment, security or affection,
Or even a very good dinner, but the sudden illumination—
We had the experience but missed the meaning,
And approach to the meaning restores the experience
In a different form, beyond any meaning
We can assign to happiness. I have said before
That the past experience revived in the meaning
Is not the experience of one life only
But of many generations—not forgetting
Something that is probably quite ineffable:
The backward look behind the assurance
Of recorded history, the backward half-look
Over the shoulder, towards the primitive terror.
Now, we come to discover that the moments of agony
(Whether, or not, due to misunderstanding,
Having hoped for the wrong things or dreaded the wrong things,
Is not in question) are likewise permanent
With such permanence as time has. We appreciate this better
In the agony of others, nearly experienced,
Involving ourselves, than in our own.
For our own past is covered by the currents of action,
But the torment of others remains an experience
Unqualified, unworn by subsequent attrition.
People change, and smile: but the agony abides.
Time the destroyer is time the preserver,
Like the river with its cargo of dead negroes, cows and chicken coops,
The bitter apple, and the bite in the apple.
And the ragged rock in the restless waters,
Waves wash over it, fogs conceal it;
On a halcyon day it is merely a monument,
In navigable weather it is always a seamark
To lay a course by: but in the sombre season
Or the sudden fury, is what it always was.”
“The Dry Salvages“, The Four Quartets, TS Eliot
In times of great suffering, we are presented with great opportunities. We may choose to spread our agony through vengeance and hate or we may join with others who share in our pain to bring healing and justice. The legacy of September 11th means different things to different people. To some it is a great swell of patriotism, a reason to wage wars, or an excuse for wrongful actions. We are a traumatized society who cannot afford to let our trauma separate us from the rest of the world. We must share our sadness with victims of violence everywhere, from the Holocaust to Rwanda, from the Congo to Iran, from Cambodia to Colombia. We are all united by our suffering and from this we gain the strength to work together and let justice and democracy prevail.










